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Buffy the Vampire Slayer belongs simultaneously to the action-adventure,
science fiction, and horror genres. The program's mythology is based
on the premise that every generation has a chosen one, a slayer: a
young woman designated by the powers that be whose job is to protect
humanity from the demonic forces continually attempting to take over.
Since 1995, Buffy has become increasingly popular among teens and
a cult hit with older viewers - the median viewer's age is 29 (Rogers
60). Buffy started out as a 16 year-old high school junior balancing
school, family, friends, and love with a very demanding job. Since
then, we have watched her negotiate each of these terrains, along
with the transition to college, with wit, strength and support from
her beloved friends. As with any multi-dimensional character, she
has sometimes ended up hurt and betrayed. It is this combination of
"girl power" and human weakness that has initiated the dialogue, both
in print and on the Internet, about Buffy's role in the third wave,
in feminist television criticism, and as a role model for young women.
Buffy's impulse to fulfill her mission in ridding the world of evil
has been compared to the impulse driving third wave feminists to pop-culture
critique (Fudge, www.bitchmagazine.com/buffy2.htm, para.1). The images
presented in the show - from the main character to her mother, the
patriarchal Watcher's Council and the secondary characters - are indicative
of third wave feminist philosophy and activism, and act as metaphors
for the tensions between second and third wave feminists. The program
also exemplifies the third wave's commitment to girl power by turning
the victim role typical of the action and horror genres on its head
with the character of Buffy herself.
This Revolution Will Be Televised
In their book Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism and the Future,
Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards define the third wave as "the
women who were reared in the wake of the women's liberation movement
of the 1970s" (15). These women were born after 1960 and came of age
in the eighties and nineties; their experiences were formed by similar
social conditions at approximately the same point in their lives and
they hold a common interpretive framework shaped by their historical
circumstances (Alfonso & Trigilio, para.7). Like the second wave
before them, third wave feminists are a political generation defined
by common exposure to the pressure of some of the same problems (Siegel,
54). As Barbara Findlen, who was among the first to explore the third
wave, states in the introduction to her anthology Listen Up: Voices
from the Next Feminist Generation:
We have been shaped by the events and circumstances
of our times: AIDS, the erosion of reproductive rights ... the backlash
against women, the skyrocketing divorce rate, the movement towards
multiculturalism and greater global awareness, the emergence of the
lesbian and gay rights movement, a greater overall awareness of sexuality,
and the feminist movement itself. (xiii)
A 1993 article for U.S. News and World Report reiterates
Findlen's sentiment: "They learned they were inheriting a ravaged environment
and a ruined economy; during their lifetimes, the AIDS epidemic has
exploded, reports of violence against young women have risen nearly
50 percent and college tuition has skyrocketed" (Schrof 69). Baumgardner
& Richards contend that the third wave's goals derive from analyzing
how these issues affect their personal lives, and that these issues
are taken on by the third wave in addition to continuing work on the
issues identified by the second wave, such as domestic abuse or economic
equality (21). Although third wave feminists are often seen as apolitical
by their mothers' generation, the authors argue that women of the third
wave are in fact leading very feminist lives, but their definition of
what it means to be a feminist has changed.
The third wave is often thought to have been initiated by the Anita
Hill-Clarence Thomas hearings in 1991 when, as Naomi Wolf, the third
wave's version of Gloria Steinem in terms of her looks and mass media
appeal, explains, the "genderquake" began, referring to the
abrupt shift in the balance of power between US women
and men initiated by the Supreme Court confirmation hearings and the
unprecedented feminist political action they brought about ... something
critical to the sustenance of patriarchy died in the confrontation
and something new was born. (xxv; 5)
Wolf argues that the two years following the court hearings
were rocked by unprecedented struggles over gender issues, including
the William Kennedy Smith and Mike Tyson rape trials. In 1992, more
women ran for office and came forward with sexual harassment charges
against men running for office, Bill Clinton was elected, and the cult
of Hillary began. Deborah Siegel, a feminist who has written extensively
about the third wave, also sees this time as fundamental to the development
of the third wave, noting that the Clarence Thomas hearings, the Rodney
King beating, and the passage of anti-abortion legislation in some states
resulted in a political coming of age and a "remarkable resurgence of
grassroots student activism, young feminist conferences, and a host
of new or newly revitalized social action organizations and networks
led largely by young women" (Siegel, 47). I would argue that within
the Canadian context, the Montreal Massacre of 1989 was one of such
impetuses for Canadian third wave feminists, rallying high school and
university students to speak out against violence and gather en masse
for memorials, as well as inspiring for many women the first sparks
of feminist consciousness.
The chief criticism of third wave feminism and feminists comes from
members of the second wave, the women who initiated many of the gains
enjoyed by today's generation of women and men. People in their teens
and twenties, the daughters and sons of the second wave, have grown
up taking equality for granted (Schrof 70; Baumgardner & Richards
77). "The legacy of feminism for me," says Findlen (xii), "was a sense
of entitlement ... we are the first generation for whom feminism has
been entwined in the fabric of our lives." Findlen and Baumgardner
& Richards argue that many young women have integrated the values
of feminism into their lives, even if they do not choose to call themselves
feminists, and that this is in effect a sign that feminism has succeeded
in permeating the social discourse: "This [the integration of feminism
into young women's every day lives] is an important barometer of the
impact of feminism since feminism is a movement for social change,
not an organization doing a membership drive" (Findlen xiv).
The criticism that second wave feminists often reserve for third
wave feminists is that the third wave is too ambitious, too unfocused,
not appreciative enough of the small changes that take years to effect,
and not a united movement for change (Schrof 69). Findlen challenges
this judgment, saying that the second wave's unity is more mythical
than real since every woman's experience is different. What may appear
to be division within the third wave is actually an honest appreciation
and admission of the each woman's different experiences, and how these
affect her role in feminism (Findlen, xiii). Schrof supports this
idea when she writes, "Where their mothers were sometimes accused
of being separatists, third wavers are avowed integrationists. Rather
than carving out a limited agenda, third wavers want feminism to be
an all-encompassing way of life" (70). And in so doing, third wavers
are including men in the movement: "Second wave feminism focused rather
exclusively on the needs of women ... it's time to acknowledge our
connection to men - we are more similar than we are different" (The
3rd WWWave, "Women, Men and Feminism," para. 1-2). Baumgarder &
Richards claim that second wave tactics do not speak to the "media-savvy,
culturally driven generation" of the third wave (77).
Alfonso & Trigilio (www.iupjournals.org/hypatia/hyp12-3.html),
two feminist philosophers, also challenge second wave criticism of
young women, saying that as a consequence of changed political conditions,
the goals and strategies that some third wave feminists select do
not always coincide with the goals and strategies of the second wave,
and that sometimes they even oppose them. The homepage for The 3rd
WWWave echoes this sentiment: "This is not the second wave warmed
over. We are building on what they have accomplished and taking it
in new directions appropriate for the 21st century. We've had enough
- and we're doing something about it!" (The 3rd WWWave, "Welcome to
the 3rd WWWave!" para.8). The 3rd WWWave describes these positions
for the three waves of feminism: the first wave struggled to change
women's legal role though suffrage; the second wave focused on changing
women's social role; and the third wave's challenge is to ensure the
rest of the world changes to keep up with women's changed roles. This
organization maintains that the second wave was a theoretical movement,
while the third wave is about applying feminism to women and men's
everyday lives. And since third wavers have had different political
experiences, it only follows that their feminist consciousness would
differ as well. Findlen reiterates this point: "My feminism wasn't
shaped by anti-war or civil rights activism; I was not the victim
of the problem that had no name. Indeed, by the time I was discovering
feminism, naming had become a principal occupation of feminists"(xi).
Third wave feminists may not be emphasizing the naming of experiences,
but they are struggling to define their femaleness in a world where
the naming is often done by the media and pop culture, where the choice
for young women is to be either a babe or a bitch (Brown 14), and
third wave activism builds on the second wave by focusing on the relationship
of texts to one another and to the world. The third wave is returning
to pop culture, "the medium through which feminism captured the popular
imagination - and thus political clout - in the late 1960s and early
1970s" (Orr 38). Although the third wave often assumes exclusivity
on cultural politics, one cannot forget that television characters
such as Mary Tyler Moore, for example, were reactions to, and fictionalized
representations of, second wave feminism. Thus, critiques of popular
culture are not new to feminism, having been addressed by the second
wave when women were convinced that their oppression was "very much
related to mass media representation" (Bailec, para.2). The difference
may lie in the fact that third wave feminists are now more directly
influential in cultural reproduction as writers, producers and directors
than second wave feminists were during their youth. As well, the third
wave does not distinguish between the political and cultural in their
analyses and creations in the way that the second wave sometimes did
(Bailec, para.4; Heywood & Drake 15).
The use of the term "wave" in describing the distinct periods of
feminist consciousness and revolution connotes a belief that each
phase is building on the previous one, just as actual waves do. However,
the use of the term "third" is problematic for some second wave feminists
who may not consider their contribution to the movement to be history.
The very identification of a third wave implies that the second wave
is over, and as many members of the second wave are still very active
in feminist work and politics, they may be resistant to the idea that
there could be a new feminism waiting to replace - or at least alter
- theirs. Baumgardner & Richards argue that the main source of
tension between the two movements has been the third wave's embracement
of what they call "Girlie" feminism and what the second wave perceives
as falling into the trappings of femininity that they worked so hard
to escape (134). In Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Buffy's relationship
with her mother can be understood as a metaphor for the tenuous relationship
between second and third wave feminists. Joyce was the quintessential
second wave feminist - she came of age in the 1960s, participated
in the civil and women's rights movements, worked fulltime and divorced
Buffy's father. She knew nothing of Buffy's powers as a slayer until
well into the third season, misreading her difficulties with school
as laziness or a lack of focus rather than as a result of unconventional
work. Just as second wave feminists accuse the third wave of perceived
apathy for not embracing their politics, Joyce was often exasperated
by what she perceived to be Buffy's lack of motivation in the areas
she considered to be the most important.
The mother-daughter battle can provide a complex understanding of
third wave perspectives: "This familial framing on the part of third
wave feminists constructs feminism as a coming-of-age issue. In other
words, figuring out her own feminism may become more and more a girl's
right of passage" (Orr 39). Baumgardner & Richards say that in
creating a feminism of their own, this generation of feminists is
"repeating a pattern as old as the patriarchy: rebelling against their
mothers" (137). More than just representing a teen's typical view
that her mother is clueless about her life, Joyce can be said to have
represented all the tenets of second wave feminism against which Buffy
is defining herself. Joyce had issues with Buffy's independence, as
any mother might, but also as a second-wave feminist might have with
what she perceives to be the ingratitude and haughtiness of a third
waver who believes this time, she'll do feminism right. In season
five, Joyce died of a brain aneurysm, setting the stage for Buffy
to finally become a woman in her own right. In the rest of that season
and in most of the current one, the theme has been growing up, becoming
an adult. Joyce's death could be perceived as the metaphorical death
of the second wave's agenda, and Buffy's struggles are now the expression
of a new way of doing things. But it's important to note that for
all their differences, Buffy loved her mother, and it was her mother's
lessons that gave her the foundation upon which she could discover
her own values. Thus, although a passing of the torch is inevitable
between generations, acknowledgement must also be given where it's
due.
Buffy the Patriarchy Slayer? - The Third Wave's Final Girl
Meehan, whose 1983 book Ladies of the Evening: Women Characters
of Primetime Television provided a content analysis of the ten
most popular female representations on primetime television, says
that the most passive female character of all - and a staple of the
action-adventure genre - was the victim: "By definition the part of
the victim was passive since it required no initiative or industry;
it simply happened to the character" (64). Often, she argues, there
weren't even any other female characters in the movie or show, and
although the victim was part of the story, the story was never about
her but about the hero. The situation was similar for female characters
within the horror genre who fail to "look" back at the men who desire
her: "The woman's gaze is punished by narrative processes that transform
curiosity and desire into masochistic fantasy" (Williams 15; 17).
The relevance of the female and male gazes to feminist television
criticism is pivotal. The person who looks has the power. Taking the
above examples, one can theorize that Buffy is indeed a revolutionary
female character. She is not the victim of her series, but the hero.
Her strength exceeds that of any gender, including the demonic. She
has saved male and female victims equally. Buffy is not afraid to
look. Williams says that the female gaze in horror films represents
the threat of castration to men. What could be more castrating to
the predominantly male vampires than Buffy's steady gaze? Their insatiable
need for blood could be representative of a man's "insatiable sexual
appetite - yet another threat to his potency" (Williams 22). Buffy
represents both life force - ample blood for a vampire to sustain
himself - and a potential sexual conquest. Except that, "... she [Buffy]
talks back, she looks back and she can take a blow as well as she
can land one" (Owen, para.2).
For Barry Grant, professor of film studies at Brock University,
monsters in the horror genre address issues of sexual identity that
are prevalent in the minds of teenagers, "particularly in their coded
concerns with the rites of initiation involving puberty - masturbation
and menstruation" (5). This is significant in reading Buffy. The slayer
is called to duty upon menarche. This presents us with two potential
metaphors: are the vampires examples of the evil predators awaiting
sexual females? And what is the implication of having a woman become
most powerful when many sociologists and psychologists have said real
girls lose their power, becoming more concerned with otheré (especially
male) opinions (Heywood & Drake 10)? Focusing on this metaphor
can also lead to questions around the inclusion of old sexist beliefs
in the "otherness" of the female body and its mystery for men. The
vampire's desire for blood can be said to have menstrual connotations,
but a more likely metaphor may be that it signifies the threat of
AIDS and other venereal diseases to the sexually active. With vampires,
sex is equated with death. This idea was made even clearer in the
second season episode "Innocence." Buffy, on her seventeenth birthday,
finally slept with her boyfriend, Angel, the vampire-with-a-soul.
In so doing, a 150 year-old curse was lifted and Angel lost his soul,
becoming evil again. Sex led to the death of the good Angel, to the
death of a secondary character whom Angel tortures and kills, and
to the death of Buffy's innocent belief that love can conquer all.
This episode can also be read as a metaphor for the young girl who
sleeps with a boy and wakes to find him cold and cruel. Her current
trysts with Spike, a vampire who has killed two slayers, is also fraught
with danger. Although Spike no longer kills humans due to a chip planted
in his brain by The Initiative, he has been capable of hurting Buffy
since she was resurrected from the dead in season six's premiere "Bargaining."
It has not yet been revealed why Buffy does not register as human
on Spike's chip, but it appears evident that this relationship - based,
it seems, primarily on sex for Buffy, though Spike claims he is in
love with her - cannot end well. Sex is perilous territory for young
women today, and the vampire-as-sexual-predator metaphor resonates.
In the horror genre, the killer often uses phallic-shaped instruments
to torture and kill his victims (Clover 92). Rarely are the women
in these movies actually raped, but there are long scenes of knives
being thrust into their bodies. Buffy's stake, which is plunged into
a vampire's heart to kill him, can also be considered a phallic symbol.
It is Buffy who carries the powerful tool in this show. Carol Clover,
professor of Rhetoric at the University of California, Berkeley, also
makes note of the "final" girl in the horror genre - the lone woman
who stands at the end of the movie, having seen her friends and family
killed:
She often shows more courage and level-headedness
than her crying male counterpart ... (her gender) is compromised by
her masculine interests, her inevitable sexual reluctance, her apartness
from other girls, sometimes her name ... her unfemininity is signaled
clearly by her exercise of the 'active, investigating gaze' normally
reserved for males and hideously punished in females. (83)
Buffy fits this portrait, having begun the series as
a loner, "she is marked as both familiar and different; her name emphasizes
the ambivalence of the character ... she generally experiences pleasure
in physically challenging encounters with various monsters" (Owen, para.2).
For Buffy, it truly is more important that she kill the monsters than
get a boyfriend (Rogers 60). Buffy would be the stereotypical last girl
except that her friends are always left standing as well, and she saves
not only herself at the end of each show, but all of humanity. Indeed,
in season five's finale, "The Gift," Buffy sacrificed herself to save
the world, while her friends helped her fight and were ultimately left
to bury - and, in season six, resurrect - her. It was a conscious choice
she made out of strength and courage, and not an inevitable result of
being female. This marks a real shift in the genre that is distinctly
third wave in its expression of the struggle against an inherited world
of evil and the cooperation of women with men in addressing it.
Also in the tradition of the female victim, Buffy is beautiful.
With long blonde hair, a thin, petite frame and blemish-free complexion,
she is not challenging traditional definitions of feminine beauty.
Sarah Curtis-Fawley, a student activist at the University of Virginia,
says that girls struggling to embody these types of definitions are
ruining their self-esteem and health: "Replacing Barbie with Buffy
is clearly not the victory that feminism hoped for" (Curtis-Fawley,
para.3). However, Buffy does not simply stand around looking pretty
in her stylish clothes. She is physically and mentally active in saving
the world, her body symbolizing a kind of resilience, strength and
confidence recent to television's representation of the female body.
She also takes pleasure in being a "supremely confident kicker of
evil butt" (Owen, para.2). In her article in Bitch Magazine Fudge
writes, "As cute and perky and scantily clad as she is, she's not
overtly sexualized within the show, which is a pretty dramatic shift
from the jiggle-core of most other kung-fu fighting women on TV" (Fudge,
www.bitchmagazine.com/buffy3.htm, para.5). Her ability to be both
beautiful and strong, a perfectly accessorized and feminine killing
machine, makes Buffy the embodiment of what Baumgardner & Richards
call "girlie" feminism, the intersection of culture and feminism that
they argue is unique to the third wave, at least as a feminist ideology.
Girlie feminists claim their femininity as a source of power, rather
than trying to make it masculine, arguing that by doing the latter,
women are in fact giving the masculine preferred status while devaluing
the feminine (135). By embracing the feminine - make-up, clothing,
and even Barbies - third wave feminists are sending the message to
society that women are powerful on their own terms. The main criticism
the authors - both third wave feminists - levy against girlie feminism
is that it often comes without a political agenda. But Buffy has an
agenda: she is the prototypical girly feminist activist, intentionally
slaying stereotypes about what women can and cannot do, combining
sexuality with real efforts to make the world a better and safer place
for both men and women. Her foible in season five was a powerful goddess
named Glory - another strong, intensely feminine woman who was just
as angry when she broke a heel as when her minions failed her. The
fact that in Buffy's world, men and women are equally capable of intense
evil and goodness without sacrificing their sexuality reflects the
third wave's internalization of the second wave's feminist goals.
Every week, Buffy deals with issues common to members of the third
wave. "We would not have female action adventure heroes without a
feminist consciousness," says Elyce Helford, Director of Women's studies
at Middle Tennessee State University (293). These female heroes are
equal parts "herstory, affirmative action, equal opportunity and repudiation
of gender essentialism and traditional female roles" (293). This perspective
aligns itself perfectly with the view of third wave feminists as women
who are fighting against the real and imagined boundaries of past
and present patriarchies and feminisms in articulating their identities,
choices, and successes in the home and workplace:
For a true 1990s TV heroine, you have to look to Buffy
the Vampire Slayer, a show about a young woman really struggling
with the limits of love and death, will and destiny ... we have, with
Buffy, one tough, strong-willed, culturally savvy young woman ...
who knows the world is full of monsters and, by god, she is going
to kill as many of them as she can (Kingwell, para. 4,9).
Buffy did not choose her fate, and does not always enjoy
defending humanity, but her reluctance never keeps her from doing her
job as well as she can, even when it requires huge sacrifices (Isaacs
133). The monsters she fights never question her strength simply because
she is female. Rather they accept and respect her position. They could
be read as the fruit of feminism's labours - enlightened males who accept
a strong woman based on her individual characteristics, and not gendered
stereotypes.
Creator Joss Whedon, who could also be classified as a third wave
feminist, has said that his inspiration for Buffy came from years
of watching movies where the blonde wanders into a dark alley and
is killed by a monster. His heroine "wanders into a dark alley, takes
care of herself, and deploys her power to kill the monster" (Fudge,
www.bitchmagazine.com/bitch.htm, para.2). She never claims to be "just
a girl" and in fact, her femininity is the very source of her strength.
She is proficient at martial arts, paying homage to women's self-defense
collectives of the 70s and date rape awareness training of the 90s,
fulfilling the female dream of walking anywhere at any time, knowing
you can take care of yourself against the monsters (Fudge, www.bitchmagazine.com/buffy2.htm,
para.5). In "The Gift," before her showdown with Glory, Buffy stakes
a vampire who is about to bite a young man. The bewildered boy says,
"But you're just a girl." Buffy responds, "That's what I keep saying."
But she has in fact never meant it in the way that the young man implies;
she has bemoaned the responsibility of having the world on her shoulders
at such a young age, of not having a normal social life or boyfriend,
but has never assumed that she should not have the responsibility
because she is female.
Second-wave feminist Phyllis Chesler has said that a modern day example
of positive feminism is "every woman who leaves a dead marriage or
violent boyfriend ... every battered woman who fights back ... every
man and woman who dares to be kind to a woman in crisis, despite the
bad names they may be called for caring about others" (Bellafante
and Chesler, para.31). Buffy not only left Angel when he became evil,
but in the second season finale, "Becoming," actually sent him to
hell - though by force of a spell he had regained his soul - in order
to protect humanity from an especially dark force he unleashed before
becoming good again. She certainly does not let the guy - not even
her one true love - get in the way of her work and self-fulfillment.
Her relationship with Riley, the only "normal" man she has had a relationship
with, ended because she could not play into the needy female role
and allow him to be her caretaker or protector. Instead, Buffy is
humanity's protector, saving many girls and boys through the years
from all sorts of evil - some supernatural, some inflicted by humans.
Her tomb in "The Gift" read, "She saved the world. A lot."
One aspect of second wave feminism that Buffy does not necessarily
update to the satisfaction of the third wave is in the economic and
race structures apparent - or not - in the show. Buffy's status is
privileged: she is white, suburban and middle-class. Joyce, again,
represented the stereotypical second wave feminist with her lifestyle
- there are no black or working class women in her workplace, social
life or women's groups (Walker ix). No students of colour attended
Sunnydale High in the three seasons when the program was set there.
Only recently were there any people of colour featured. Grant, one
of the members of season five's The Initiative, was the only recurring
black character on the show, although his character was peripheral
at best and was ultimately eliminated with Riley's departure. Three
of the four previous slayers acknowledged in the show have been of
colour - Kendra, the girl who is called when it is believed that Buffy
has drowned, was of African descent, as was the slayer in 1977 whom
Spike killed. The slayer during the 1880s, also killed by Spike, was
Asian. But these characters would be viewed as token at best, and
do not reflect the third wave's sensitivity to inclusion and acceptance
of women from differing cultural and economic backgrounds (Walker
x; Findlen xii). However, another reading of this lack of racial and
class representation could come once again from the horror genre where
the female victims and heroines were predominantly white, middle class,
privileged young women (Williams 17).
Conclusion
The critical feminist cultural perspective on television and film,
specifically on the genres of action-adventure and horror, provide
a dynamic framework for analyzing some of the symbols and metaphors
within Buffy the Vampire Slayer. This paper is not exhaustive
in its evaluation. Further analysis could be applied to any number
of the characters within the show: Willow, the cyber-geek turned magic-junkie
who began a lesbian relationship with a fellow Wiccan, Tara, last
year; Xander the feminized product of feminism who represents the
changing male role; Angel, the eroticized vampire with a soul - the
castrated male, castrated because sex means he will become evil again;
Spike, the eroticized vampire with a chip which has castrated him
in vampire terms, but who seems to be finding redemption through love
for the slayer; Riley, Buffy's old boyfriend, who embodies the most
traditional view of male reluctance to accept a female who is physically
stronger than him; Faith, the other slayer, whose self-destruction
and much more exploitative use of her sexual power led to the death
of a human; the patriarchal Watcher's council which controls and imposes
rules upon the slayer (and which Buffy rebelled against in the third
season); Anya, the vengeance demon who became stuck in the mortal
realm and now finds herself subject to the very pressures of femininity
she used to avenge for other women; Giles, Buffy's Watcher, the enlightened
father figure who dances between being the protector and the protected;
and the countless sexual and other metaphors represented by the vampires
and demons who populate Buffy's world, only a few of which I have
touched upon here.
Third wave feminists have tried to balance their desire to be feminine
and nurturing - something they do find among the second wave feminists
whose politics they often find anti-family and anti-sexual - with
their expectations of a rewarding career and respect for their place
in the world. The third wave, in my view, is not a rejection of second
wave accomplishments. Rather it is the next step, the attempt to make
good on the promises and rewards the second-wave aimed for. Where
they began the struggle, it is up to the third wave to continue it.
That does not, however, mean it will be on the same turf. Third wave
feminists have claimed pop culture as both their terrain and weapon
of choice, believing that by participating to a greater degree in
creating and supporting positive images for themselves, they will
finally infiltrate the last vestiges of patriarchy. Buffy is one example
of this ideology manifested in cultural reproduction. True, such images
alone won't necessarily change societal structures, as Baumgarden
& Richards have argued. But the right words and pictures can at
the very least help to shape a revolution's canons.
Works Cited
Note: Although there is some discussion in academia about the
authority of online sources used in the same weight as academic ones
in research, it is my belief that when discussing pop culture or issues
pertaining to Generation X or Y, the internet provides a vast amount
of information, as well as access to this generation's cultural productions
in the form of online magazines and discussion groups. Having said that,
the Internet is not a permanent space and links become outdated. Wherever
possible, I have attempted to provide information on the print copies
of online information I have used.
Alfonso, R. & Trigilio, J. "Surfing the Third Wave: A Dialogue Between
Two Third Wave Feminists." Hypatia, 12/3 (1997). [http://www.iupjournals.org/hypatia/hyp12-3.html].
Bailec, C. "When Girls Just Wanna Have Fun: Third Wave Cultural Engagement
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Baumgardner, J. & Richards, A. Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism
and the Future. New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. 2000.
Beck, D.B. "The "F" word: How the media frame feminism." NWSA Journal
10 (1998): 139 - 155.
Bellafante,Ginia and Phyllis Chesler. "Is feminism dead?" 1998. On-line
chat at [http://www.time.com/time/community/transcripts/chattr062598.html].
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